254. Trieste, Civico Museo di Storia ed Arte 9795. Pendant-pectoral almost as if they had been intended as hand-pieces, a sort of from Santa Lucia di Tolmino / Most na Soči, Tomb 3070, end of netsuke of the late archaic Italic world.” the seventh or beginning of the sixth century B.C.: Ambre 2007, 262. Tumulus II of Melone del Sodo at Cortona: P. Zamarchi Grassi, p. 120, fig. III.8. “Il tumulo II del Sodi di Cortona (Arezzo),” in Bartoloni et al. 255. For the most recent discussion of this composite jewelry, see 2000, pp. 141–42, no. 109. Palavestra and Krstić 2006, pp. 94–115. 263. On binding in magic, see Gager 1992; Faraone 1992; and 256. Kotansky 1991, pp. 107–8. Kotansky, p. 124, n. 6, recommends Faraone 1991. that “the verb περιάπτειν should be regularly translated 264. The insertion of materials into an amulet or “talismanic statue” cognately, viz. ‘to wear/attach/suspend a περίαπτον,’ or the is not uncommon in ritual and magical practice. The amber equivalent.” bullae from Satricum have a large vertical piercing unrelated to 257. Steiner 2001, 101. On the ambrosial fragrance of the gods, see the suspension perforation, which Waarsenburg 1995, pp. also Lapatin 2001, p. 55; Richardson 1974 (in n. 82, above), p. 409–10, takes to be meant for the insertion of a charm. He 252; and Shelmerdine 1995 (in n. 72, above). relates the amber specimens to the original idea of the bulla as 258. T. Follett, “Amber in Goldworking,” Archaeology 38, no. 2 a locket. (On the bulla, see n. 152.) There are also vertical (1985): 64–65; but compare G. Nestler and E. Formigli, borings in the bottle-shaped pendants and the seated monkey Granulazione Etrusca: Un antica tecnica orafa (Siena, 1994). of the necklace from Praeneste in London: see Strong 1966, p. 53, no. 23, pl. IX. Were the inclusions in amber conceived as 259. Johnston 1995, p. 363. This may push the concept of shape naturally inserted material? Might there have been a shifting, but such a concept is relevant for the magical aspects preference for specific inclusions, such as a lizard? In Egypt, of some amber pendants. The appearance of shape shifting “the lizard was symbolic of regeneration because of its ability could be conceived as an attestation of the artisan’s skill in to regrow limbs and tail if they were injured or lost” (Andrews making what were perhaps to be considered daidala. 1994, p. 66). 260. Because of this, each amber object is unique. Figures 265. Strong 1966 and others think the plugs might have been made contorted, splayed, or wrapped around planes are seen in for coloristic effects. It is more likely that they were originally ancient Near Eastern animal representations as early as the the same color but have suffered from increased oxidation and fourth millennium, and some Mycenaean ivories and Middle thus have more rapidly darkened. The original attempt may Assyrian alabaster vessels suggest that such figure have been to make the piece appear uniform, as large “tears” manipulation was well established much earlier. Of the art of amber. made in or imported into pre-Roman Italy, contorted and 266. Additional pendants with large secondary holes include a large splayed figures are found in ivory work, scaraboids, plastic Eos group and the large frontal head with wings in a New York vases, some bronzes (especially utilitarian items such as feet or private collection (Grimaldi 1996, pp. 150–51; and Negroni handles), and gold objects of adornment. An early example is Catacchio 1999, pp. 289–90); a draped, dancing figure from the ivory lion group from the Barberini Tomb (Museo Oliveto Citra, Aia Sofia district, Tomb 1 (Paestum, Museo Nazionale Etrusco di Villa Giulia, Rome), thought by Brown Nazionale OC/00082: Mastrocinque 1991, pp. 129, 133, fig. 84; 1960, p. 5, to be Syrian work. The resonance in Etruria for and P. C. Sestieri, “Ambra intagliata da Oliveto Citra,” ArchCl 4 wrapping figures (divine, heroic, and demonic subjects most [1952]: 16, pl. 14); a winged female figure (perhaps Lasa) especially) around planes may reflect several generations of (Shefton Museum of Greek Art and Archaeology 286: B. contact with art from the Orient. Eastern Greece seems to have Shefton, Archeological Reports [1969–70]: 58–59, figs. 11–12); been a direct source not only for the large-scale stone carving two other, very different sirens in the Shefton Museum (nos. of the Cortona altar (see n. 262, below), but also for later, 298, 596: unpublished); a pair of satyr heads from Palestrina in small-scale bronzework, such as the Vulcian naked youth riding Boston (Museum of Fine Arts 02.252–53: Mastrocinque 1991, the winged lion of an incense burner’s foot (circa 450 B.C., pp. 131–32, figs. 73–74); a head from Tomb 9, Rutigliano- from Olympia: Olympia Museum B 1001) and the (possibly Purgatorio Necropolis, which has a lateral through-bore in the Orvietan) bronze tripod feet with representations of Peleus top of the head and is still attached to a silver pin (Taranto, wrestling Thetis and Perseus decapitating Medusa (circa Museo Archeologico Nazionale 138144: Ornarsi d’ambra: Tombe 470–460 B.C., provenance unknown: Florence, Museo principesche da Rutigliano, ed. L. Masiello and A. Damato Archeologico Nazionale 710–11). The dating and localization of [Rutigliano, 2004]; Mastrocinque 1991, p. 131, n. 408; and G. Lo the bronzes follow Haynes 1985, nos. 118–19. Porto in Locri Epizefirii: Atti del XVI Convegno di studi sulla Magna 261. Perhaps only Chinese amber carvers and Japanese inro- and Grecia [Naples, 1977], pl. CXV); a winged female head from netsuke-makers have exploited the material and figural form to Tomb 10, Rutigliano-Purgatorio Necropolis, also still attached the same degree. D. G. Mitten (review of Strong 1966, AJA 71, to its bronze pin (Ornasi d’ambra 2004; and Negroni Catacchio no. 3 [July 1967]: 323) was the first to point out the visual 1993, pl. XIII). A satyr head in Milan has a large frontal hole: N. relationship: “Many of these strange lump-sculptures look Negroni Catacchio, “Un pendaglio in ambra in forma di Working of Amber 85