excavations) is unfortunately very high. The exceptions are Mainz31 (1984): 269–75; J. Szilágyi, RA 1972: fasc. 1:111–26; and critical (such as the male Tomb 43 at Melfi-Pisciolo). D. Rebuffat Emmanuel, “Singes de Maurétanie Tingitane et 190. Orientalizing Greek and Etruscan images of nonhuman d’Italie—Réflexions sur une analogie iconographique,” StEtr 35 primates are generically referred to as “monkeys” in the (1967): 633–44. For an Etrusco-Corinthian aryballos in the form literature, although some may represent baboons, especially of an “ape,” see B. A. Kathman in Kozloff 1981, pp. 95–96, no. the hamadryas baboon (Papio hamadryas), as well as a long- 95. tailed monkey (Cercopithecus) and the green monkey, or vervet For the monkey in the Minoan world, see N. Marinatos, “An (Cercopithecus aethiops). The prototypes of the eighth-to- Offering of Saffron to the Minoan Goddess of Nature: The Role seventh-century amber pendants from Italy (Etruscan, Latin, of the Monkey and the Importance of Saffron,” in Gifts to the Faliscan, Picene) are Egyptian in invention, but they also may Gods: Proceedings of the Uppsala Symposium 1985, Boreas 15, have derived from Phoenician examples and could be related ed. T. Linders and G. Nordquist (Uppsala, 1987), pp. 123–32, to northern Mesopotamian, northern and western Syrian, Old who argues convincingly for a religious function for monkeys Babylonian, and Anatolian types and symbolism. In Egypt, and interprets various Minoan roles for them: as adorants, as amulets in the form of monkeys and baboons are first known intermediaries between humans and the goddess of nature, as in the Old Kingdom, made of steatite and faïence, then of her servants, and as guardians. Marinatos draws parallels with amethyst and carnelian in the Middle Kingdom, and in a wider Egyptian and Anatolian images of squatting monkeys (nn. 10, variety of materials from the New Kingdom onward. The green 17) and suggests the images’ possible entry into Crete in the monkey is most often the subject of Egyptian and Phoenician Middle Bronze Age, but points also to Mesopotamian examples simian amulets: its humanlike features, the females’ motherly of the squatting posture. Both Egyptian and Near Eastern love, its cleverness and ability to mimic, and its greenish color prototypes are proposed, with reference to R. D. Barnet, (symbolic of freshness and regeneration) account for its “Monkey Business,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 5 (1973): popularity. It participates at the side of the dwarf as an 1–10; and C. Mendelson, “More Monkey Business,” Anatolian emissary of Ra, the sun-god, in magical invocations for Studies 33 (1983): 81–83. F.-W. von Hase 1984 (above) proposes successful parturition and thus has a solar aspect (Andrews Phoenicians as intermediaries in the transition of the motif to 1994, p. 66). In Egyptian glazed-composition faïence maternity Italy. For a view on the possible permutation of the “monkey” amulets, where it is joined with Bes, the green monkey takes type into human imagery in early Greece, see S. Langdon, on the role of nurse for the newborn and is connected to music “From Monkey to Man: The Evolution of a Geometric Sculptural and dance, as associated with birthing. For the monkey and Type,” AJA 94 (1990): 407–24. maternity, see also Bulté 1991, pp. 99–102. Monkey To be added to this discussion are the simianlike “emaciated representations in the Levant seem to carry several humans” of the Old Babylonian period, the clay plaques of the connotations, of both Near Eastern and Egyptian origin, goddess Nintu, and the separate statuette images in the same including veneration, eroticism, good luck, and best wishes. In form. D. Parayre, “Les âges de la vie dans le répertoire figuratif erotic scenes on Old Babylonian terracottas, simian dancers oriental,” KtèMA 22 (1997): 67, identifies the figures as often keep company with dwarfs. As S. Schroer and J. Eggler, representing premature or deformed fetuses. See her figs. 10a “Monkey,” in Iconography of Deities and Demons in the Ancient (stamped relief possibly from Tell Asmar, Louvre) and 10b Near East, http://www.religionswissenschaft.uzh.ch/idd (bronze statuette, Cincinnati Art Museum). Parayre suggests /prepublication.php (accessed November 12, 2009), p. 1, note that the fetus images may be figural transpositions of the for Mesopotamian and Elamite art, “Just like in Egypt, there is a šumma izbuseries, listing the precautions to take in the case of proximity between the monkeys and the Nude Goddess. This premature, nonviable, or monstrous births. If the amber may be due to their playful nature, but also their excitability … pendants represented such fetuses rather than monkeys or leading to their association with sex and eroticism.” baboons, they would be extraordinary “like banishes like” Amber and glazed-composition amulets of monkeys might amulets. Alternatively, if the amber monkeys are identified with work in various direct and indirect forms of magic: to ensure the Minoan interpretation of the type (following Marinatos), love and sexual fulfillment; to provide sexual aid in this world they may be associated with the local nature goddesses in and the next, to aid in rebirth and rejuvenation, to assist in the Crete, as in Mesopotamia. care of newborns, and to inject humor (a potent aversion 191. For Italian finds of eighth- and seventh-century date, technique). On the nonhuman primate in Egyptian art Waarsenburg 1995is the most complete compendium of generally, see Andrews 1994, pp. 66–67; and A. Kozloff, ed., objects and earlier bibl., including Massaro 1943. The Iron Age Animals in Ancient Art from the Leo Mildenberg Collection Greek amber finds are listed in Strong 1966, pp. 21–24 (with (Cleveland, 1981), pp. 67–69, nos. 54–56. For a wide range of earlier bibl.). The horse imagery, which appears early and opinions about “monkeys” in Etruscan art, see Waarsenburg remains until the fourth century B.C., deserves closer study. 1995, p. 415–16, and esp. 445–50. See also Bonfante 2003, pp. Although the horse has good connotations throughout the 138, 141; Negroni Catacchio 1999, pp. 280–82; Waarsenburg ancient world (the Egyptian hieroglyph for “beautiful,” nefer, is 1996; F.-W. von Hase, “Die golden Prunkfibel aus Vulci, Ponte a prancing horse), it had both positive and negative aspects in Sodo,” Jahrbuch des Römisches-Germanischen Zentralmuseums 64 INTRODUCTION